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Of Shourie, Establishment, and Lear

Updated: 4 days ago

As published in the Volume 2(2) of Ramjas Political Review


Book: The Commissioner for Lost Causes

Author: Dr Arun Shourie

Publisher: Penguin Random House, India

ISBN: 9780-6700-96404

Year of Publication: 2022

Pages: 586

Price: INR 999


See better, Lear; and let me still remain,

The true blank of thine eye.

(Shakespeare, 1970, p.13)


With an old Ramnath Goenka gradually losing his authority1, and Arun Shourie helplessly watching the drunken dance of a falling empire, The Commissioner for Lost Causes seems no different than King Lear, where the old King struggles with the taste of trust in his quest to uphold his past authority and a rightful successor, at the same time (Shakespeare, 1970). This 2022 book, requires a closer examination for its commentaries on press, power, and judiciary; and whilst, the national dailies like The Telegraph might strike it off as a lengthy read and dismiss the nuances expanded in the book (Nayar, 2022), I argue, there is no better time to read the flight of newspapers post Pandit Nehru and before the economic liberalisation in 1991. 


Adorned with a contradictory and mercurial personality and an autocratic method of working (Rahman, 2013), the Darbhanga born titan and perhaps, the finest crusader of press in India, Ramnath Goenka appears to be a manifestation of what Jesse Armstrong must have thought of while scribbling down the character of Logan Roy (Armstrong, 2018-2023). "...Ramnath-ji could abuse fluently in thirteen languages," (Shourie, p. XIV) and just like this, we see how Logan Roy could have found his patron saint, with his fair share of love for colourful languages too. Goenka through the words of Shourie comes across as cold, calculative, and shrewd in his decision-making, in order to make the best decisions for the larger benefit of the Express, one of them, which Shourie often lightly remarks in his public lectures, that he is the only Editor in the country who has been sacked not once, but twice–courtesy, Ramnath Goenka (Kapoor, 2022). 


Is it the good old Shourie?


Written in the signature Shourie style, which is production of primary facts like an avalanche and sharp coruscating remarks, this, is the first volume of a series of memoirs, and covers the various pivotal incidents and people who shaped his illustrious journalistic career, and stops with his shift to active politics as a minister in the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-ji's government2. It dedicates a significant number of pages to revisiting the author's dynamic with Ramnath Goenka, touches on the Bhagalpur Blindings3, and takes us to the plight of the judiciary4 in the Emergency, amongst other topics that underscore why saving the institutions that cement the structure of the republic is more important today than ever. Another important point that I wish to investigate in this review is if the book misses its mark on certain subjects due to the evolutionary biasses of the author, the cause of which could often be traced back to the abuses thrown at his specially abled son, who has cerebral palsy, by the social media accounts followed even by Prime Minister Narendra Modi (NDTV, 2015). And thinking of it, a reader could see how Arun Shourie, whensoever he speaks of his close association with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, subsequently follows are words that often show a sentiment of regret or sarcastic remarks5. Yet he does not separate himself from his past writings that created the foundations of an intellectual conservative movement in India, which, in its current form, is dying, with most of the scholars of conservatism confusing it with the Bharatiya Janata Party6. 


We can find the good old Arun Shourie writing against Mandal and reservations, quoting, "merit has become a dirty word," and he further writes (p. 565), “standards were dubbed as elitist, as a conspiracy of the upper castes to keep the lower castes down. Vulgarity as becoming a mark of 'authenticity', a right. Intimidation, the argument of choice. And assault, proof." Shourie is scathing in his remarks against the reservations, and goes on to write, that this policy was being extended not to the castes that were weak, but the qualification was being made on the grounds of their organisational strength to fight for it from the politicians (pp. 555-566). When the discourses on social media on an emotionally charged topic like reservations leave you nowhere, Shourie's long-form pieces are a refreshing sight to behold. The reader is reminded of Shourie's excellent erudition in Falling over Backwards (2006), where he produced hundreds of pages of judicial discussions on merit and asks (p. 329): "Does the Constitution aim at equality of opportunity or of results? Is the 'equality of results' not another will-o'-the-wisp? One in pursuit of which anything, everything can be justified, justified to any extent, and for any length of time?"; and goes on to investigate the very historical roots of caste, and asks (p. 329), "Was India ever what stray verses in Manu suggest it ought to have been?" Clearly, despite all his disillusionment with the BJP and Narendra Modi, in particular, we do not find any intellectual bias caused by that.


The Angry Crusader


Arun Shourie fought bloodless wars—investigating thousands of pages of data and taking down governments. The Sultan of Bombay, Abdul Rehman Antulay7, was at the peak of his political career in 1980, when he was elected as the next Chief Minister of Maharashtra in June 1980, and Ramnath Goenka's resourcefulness led to the Express taking down a strongman on charges of corruption. The book details this event in the most nuanced way possible, and no other recount could be a parallel to this world of Shourie. Labour Unions were a big thing before the 1991 economic reforms, and they were very often politicised with intentions to score political goals, and we could find the organisational spirit of press in those days when all rose together in one voice, when a violent strike that hampered the circulation of the Express took place, unlike today, when the news media which is run for, of, and by advertisements and the government, the erstwhile years had journalists who knew the weight of their profession. Shourie very comprehensively provides his readers with the background to these events. Similarly, we find effective protests by the press when the Rajiv Gandhi Government brought up the Defamation Bill of 1988, which could potentially curb the power of the press, and was a response to the newspaper reporting on the Bofors Scam.


Later, he talks of thirty-nine rules of thumb post his experience in such circumstances, where he provides the framework to speak truth to power. He writes that the first blow must be devastating, but that a third of the ammunition must be reserved because the subject will very often retaliate (pp. 494-501). As dramatic as it may sound for an average reader, all of it is relevant even for today, when we saw a repeat of the 1988 Defamation Bill with the government putting out a notice to blacklist journalists for spreading fake news in 2018 (Bengali & Parth, 2018), and retracting it within hours post the backlash by senior journalists and opposition leaders. It is very much possible for any politician or powerful associate of the establishment to use the phraseology of "fake news" to their benefit. It is, of course, a very natural tendency of any powerful state to curb a news line that goes against their interests, in order to maintain public goodwill, but a strong press that can overcome those tendencies and resist the forces is a must for any stable society as well. For what it is worth, I believe, every society must strive to reach this equilibrium of the force of the state and resistance by the press. There is another view that could be accepted, that inherently, the state must be confident enough not to feel threatened by a piece of criticism. On these lines, Shourie's emphasis on reading incessantly, pursuing Mohandas Gandhi's formula of pursuing one topic until the goal is not reached before moving to another, not giving up to the ease of journalism, and knowing the law well are pointers that should be taught comprehensively to not only the students of humanities, but to tenth graders in school8.


Conclusion: Where are the Commissioners Today?


Shourie's book is not only a biographical account of his illustrious career, but a confessional and personal address to the readers of political history and contemporary politics. What separates this book from other similar accounts is how the author is not detached from the historical events, and provides his ground-zero lens to them. Where this book misses its mark, despite calling for demolishing governmental propaganda with avalanches of facts, is, that the author’s provocative binary conclusions apropos the Narendra Modi-led BJP government are devoid of any nuanced takes and context, unlike his other writings. Arun Shourie being unlike Arun Shourie in this case is strange. Although a regular reader of Shourie knows that he can produce pieces of evidence to uphold his case here too, his personal bias might be a limit to the readers seeking his signature writing style around every argument, but this does not diminish the weight this book holds. 


On meeting the author last year at an event, I could not refrain from asking: If after every political party offering freebies, reservations breaching the mark, institutions falling, and even his former political party not paying any heed to what he wrote in Worshipping False Gods, Falling Over Backwards, Indian Controversies—what does it hold for India? And he said, and I paraphrase, only a miracle can save us. In the end, Shourie appears to be the Lear looking for his rightful successor, which compels us to ask: In today’s age, when we need a Shourie and a backer like Ramnath Goenka more than ever, have the “lost causes” been lost forever, or are they merely waiting for their commissioners?


References


Armstrong, J., (Executive producer). (2018-2023). Succession [TV Series]. Gary Sanchez Productions, Hyperobject

Industries, Project Zeus, Hot Seat Productions, HBO Entertainment.


Bengali, S., & Parth, M. N. (2018, April 3). India introduces, then quickly cancels, a plan to blacklist reporters for


Kapoor, C. (2022, April 10). Arun Shourie’s new book reminds us how journalists stood up to power during the


Nayar, K. (2022, June 30). Verbose reflections. The Telegraph. https://www.telegraphindia.com/culture/books/if-only-


NDTV. (2015, December 3). Modi supporters on social media abused my disabled son: Arun Shourie. NDTV.


Rahman, M. (2013, September 6). Ramnath Goenka: The valiant standard-bearer for a free press. India Today.


Shakespeare, W. (1970). King Lear (S. Wells, Ed.). Pelican Books.


Shourie, A. (2006). Falling over Backwards: An essay against reservations and against judicial populism. Rupa Publications.


Shourie, A. (2022). The Commissioner for Lost Causes. Penguin Random House.​ 


Endnotes


  1. Shourie writes in his book (pp. 568-570) that his second removal by Ramnath Goenka around the peak of the Mandal Commission uproar was done when “Ramnath-ji was not even in the shadow of himself.” He and his colleagues deduce from the health condition of Ramnath Goenka and the writing style of the letter, that the paper had gone out of his hands. It was also later evident when there was a sharp division of The Express Group between his heirs—The Indian Express, with the northern editions under the control of Vivek Goenka; and The New Indian Express under the control of Manoj Kumar Sonthalia.


  1. Arun Shourie had a decade-long political career in the BJP, as a Rajya Sabha Member of Parliament from Uttar Pradesh, where he held several ministerial positions in Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee-ji’s cabinet.


  1. Bhagalpur Blindings Case of 1979-80, is one of the most infamous and dark chapters in the country, wherein, the police pierced the eyes of the criminals, with some having petty offences with the spokes of a bicycle or any other thin needle, and then, poured sulphuric acid into the mutilated eye sockets. It was arguably the first time in the history of law that the Supreme Court ordered compensation for the violation of the basic human rights and dignity of the victims. Justice never arrived because the fifteen suspended officers were later promoted or shifted to better positions, and those who decided to speak up against the act remained suspended. Further reading could be done by referring to Khatri and Others vs State of Bihar & ORS.


  1. One instance, that could be taken up here is the ADM Jabalpur vs Shivkant Shukla, famously known as the Habeas Corpus Case, where the Supreme Court of India had ruled in favour of Indira Gandhi, with Justice Hans Raj Khanna, being the lone dissenter—it becomes interesting to note, of this five-judge bench, Justice PN Bhagwati, Justice YV Chandrachud, Justice MH Baig; all except Justice Hans Raj Khanna rose to be the Chief Justice of India (and of course, Chief Justice AN Ray, who was on the bench, also ruled in favour of Indira Gandhi). One interesting case, where Shourie is personally involved is concerning Justice PN Bhagwati, where the latter is consistent with his efforts to appease the governments, to an extent, when Indira Gandhi got re-elected to the office of the prime minister, he wrote her a letter concluding with: “Today the reddish glow of the rising sun is holding out the promise of a bright sunshine.”


  1. For instance, (pp. 49-50), we come across this, when after meeting Bhaurao Deoras of the RSS, he informed Ramnath Goenka of it, to which he remarked how “all these fellows are monks primarily because they did not land a girl,” and that, once they get the power, one will learn “how much of monk is in them”. To which, Shourie later remarks, he got to learn of it very early on. But this also forces the reader to think, would he have written that remark, had he still been a part of the BJP?


  1. While conservatism is a broad idea, what the BJP believes is another stream of thought associated with it. BJP believes in parts of Hindutva combined with idolising Maharashtrian heroes and turning them into national heroes to unite voters under the umbrella of nationalism, which helps it further its electoral gains as a political party, and there is nothing wrong with that, either—it is a political party, not a theoretical academic or a saint, but it becomes necessary to distinguish between conservatism and the politics of the BJP.


  1. It should be worth noting, despite everything, AR Antulay did not seem to hold any grudge against Shourie, as much as we can infer from the author’s experience. At the airports and other places, Shourie says, “he was always most pleasant and spoke politely.” Antulay knew that Shourie did what he was supposed to be doing as a journalist, a fine gentlemanliness that can no longer be found today.


  1. But this, is something theoretical and ideal, something that the state would never do, something that is not pragmatic for it to be doing. For what it is worth, in India, the humanities are a long, forlorn sibling. In this sorry state of affairs, expecting an educational revolution like this is to walk into Alice’s Wonderland. It is only a line highlighting the relative importance of Shourie’s book.


The author, Prem Ansh Sinha, is a student at Ramjas College, University of Delhi.

Featured image credit: George Fredrick Bensell

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