As published in the Volume 2(1) of Ramjas Political Review
Abstract
This essay examines the shifting media narratives in Brazil, focusing on how the political right has co-opted leftist concerns to secure influence. It highlights the paradox of impoverished populations supporting right-wing movements, which traditionally oppose their economic interests. Bolsonaro’s rise in Brazil exemplifies this trend, using nationalist rhetoric to address poverty and resonate with disenfranchised voters. The study employs qualitative methodology to examine how Bolsonaro’s 2018 campaign messaging intertwined anti-globalisation and anti-corruption pledges with promises to improve living standards. The essay concludes that the anti-globalisation discourse in Brazil blames global forces for causing poverty and proposes right-wing populism as the solution.
Keywords: Media, Political Movements, Brazil, Populism, Globalisation
Introduction
In recent times, the contemporary political landscape in the Global South is characterised by a paradoxical trend where the political ‘right’ adopts agendas historically associated with the political ‘left.’ This phenomenon extends beyond mere appropriation, constituting a strategic co-option of erstwhile leftist concerns to secure political influence and authority. This shift marks a departure from traditional ideological boundaries, blurring the lines between ‘left’ and ‘right’ ideologies and redefining the socio-political narratives employed by conservative factions to resonate with diverse demographics. The ascendancy of right-wing movements, exemplified by leaders like Mauricio Macri in Argentina, Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, and Donald Trump in the United States of America (USA), demonstrates a recalibration of rhetoric and policy stances (Minnite, 2012). This recalibration involves a nuanced engagement with socio-economic issues such as social exclusion, income inequality, and the adverse impacts of globalisation — themes traditionally advocated by leftist ideologies. By leveraging these concerns, the political right has effectively broadened its appeal, forging connections with segments of the population that were historically aligned with leftist ideologies. Moreover, this manoeuvring transcends regional boundaries, as several other places in the Global South have witnessed the rise of right-wing populist leaders. Figures like, Rodrigo Duarte in the Philippines, epitomise this trend by utilising nationalist and anti-globalisation discourses to mobilise significant support from populations affected by economic distress and globalisation’s ramifications (Jenkins, 2016). This critical trend highlights the pivotal role played by segments of impoverished populations in the dominance of right-wing movements globally (Lugo-Ocando, 2020).
It is increasingly evident that these movements have secured their electoral victories by garnering substantial support from deprived demographics such as Brazil that have chosen to oppose left-wing candidates. The significance of this phenomenon lies in its departure from historical voting patterns and ideological affiliations. Contrary to past assumptions, impoverished communities, often assumed to lean towards left-leaning platforms advocating for social welfare and economic equity, have shifted their allegiance. Instead, they have aligned with right-wing factions espousing anti-globalisation sentiments, promoting nationalist agendas, and positioning themselves as crusaders against corruption and crime. This electoral change can be contextualised within nations where widespread poverty prevails. For instance, in Latin America, the intense wave that ushered in the “Pink Tide” of left-wing presidents in the 2000s has since receded, leaving only a few in power, such as Luis Alberto Arce Catacora in Bolivia, and Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador in Mexico (Reyes, 2012). At the same time, formerly popular regimes in Nicaragua and Venezuela now cling on to power with the support of the military, a tactic once criticised by the left (Spronk, 2008). In this context, the broader question revolves around why individuals from lower-income brackets vote against their perceived economic interests. Alterations in how poverty is portrayed in Latin American political communication and media discussions have significantly contributed to the ascent of right-wing populist leaders (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). This trend partly stems from the growing anti-globalisation sentiments in the Global South, which have rallied considerable portions of the populace around these leaders (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). Within this context, the right-wing leaders have framed poverty as a consequence of globalisation and its associated forces, emphasising the notion that unchecked globalisation leads to economic exploitation, loss of jobs, and increased societal disparities (McVeigh, 1999). This has enabled them to channel the discontent stemming from economic insecurities and social anxieties, consolidating their support base and galvanising widespread appeal among deprived sections of society.
Delving into this argument involves examining specific Brazilian news media outlets covering Jair Bolsonaro’s presidential campaign extensively. This scrutiny is crucial in comprehending the nuanced dynamics of how political narratives, particularly those related to poverty, were shaped and disseminated during this pivotal electoral period. The selection of Brazilian news media outlets forms a focal point of this investigative analysis. These outlets represent influential channels with substantial reach and impact within the country’s media landscape. By focusing on these specific platforms, this essay aims to decipher the dominant narratives, biases, and frames employed by the media in portraying Bolsonaro and his campaign. It intends to uncover whether these outlets presented a consistent narrative aligning Bolsonaro with anti-globalisation rhetoric and nationalist ideologies, especially concerning poverty alleviation strategies.
Paradox of Right-Wing Politics: Conservative Populism
There are several historical instances, where conservative right-wing political figures have successfully gathered support from impoverished communities. While examining the 1922 Italian elections that marked Mussolini’s rise to power, Antonio Gramsci (1992) questioned the working class’s choice. He contemplated how individuals voted against their interests, favouring those who historically oppressed and exploited them (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). This historical precedent prompts a deeper exploration into the complex dynamics of electoral choices among marginalised groups. Gramsci’s (1992) inquiry into this apparent paradox within ‘dialectical materialism’ involved closely examining culture and ideology’s pivotal roles in power dynamics. He delved into the mechanisms by which oppressors could manipulate the political consciousness of the subjugated, shedding light on the complexities underlying the subversion of individual will and collective interests. This exploration underlined the intricate relationship between dominant ideologies and the assimilation of these ideas by oppressed communities, offering insight into the co-option of political allegiance among the disenfranchised.
Similarly, according to Lugo-Ocando (2020), leaders like Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom and Ronald Reagan in the United States utilised strategic tactics to gain favour among the masses. Their approaches involved harnessing cultural elements and emphasising nationalist sentiments to resonate with a broader populace. As Prime Minister of the UK during the 1980s, Margaret Thatcher capitalised on fostering a sense of national pride and identity. She invoked the notion of ‘the people’ as a collective force to rally around conservative policies (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). Her leadership style centred on bolstering nationalistic narratives, advocating for economic reforms, and championing the idea of individual responsibility. Thatcher’s administration often portrayed itself as fighting against what they considered to be the encroachment of socialism, invoking traditional British values and national interests as a call to action for the populace. Ronald Reagan, during his presidency in the United States in the 1980s, employed similar rhetoric. He projected an image of a leader advocating for the ‘average American’ against the perceived threats of big government and external adversaries (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). Reagan tapped into the patriotic sentiment of the American people, emphasising a strong national identity and traditional values. His policies and speeches often played on themes of American exceptionalism, aiming to unite the nation under a shared vision of prosperity and strength.
In recent times, the emergence of Donald Trump as a political figure and subsequently as the President of the United States marked a withdrawal from traditional Republican support for globalisation and free trade. Trump’s presidential campaign and subsequent policies reflected a shift towards protectionist and isolationist tendencies, a departure from the prevailing stance of expanding global markets that had long characterised American conservative politics (Magcamit, 2017). During his campaign, Trump’s rhetoric emphasised ‘America First,’ a slogan that echoed a staunchly nationalist sentiment (Ettinger, 2018). He criticised trade deals like the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), portraying them as detrimental to American workers and industries (Magcamit, 2017). His arguments resonated with segments of the American population that felt left behind by globalisation, particularly in industries affected by outsourcing and trade competition. Increasingly, more Western conservatives are adopting nationalist expression, although it does not invariably translate into corresponding policies. This shift reflects a desire to revive protectionist measures and emphasise greater self-reliance, reminiscent of Spanish Fascist leader Francisco Franco’s pursuit of economic self-sufficiency (McVeigh, 1999).
This argument analyses the stance of right-wing movements that advocate for limiting globalisation and emphasising nationalism. Beyond economic isolationism, these movements also harbour an aversion to certain societal advancements associated with modernisation. Hence, the discourses of these right-wing leaders are frequently linked not just to reinstating limitations on trade but also rolling back on civil liberties like same-sex marriage, abortion, and freedom of movement, using what is termed as ‘cultural populism’ (McGuigan, 1992). This stance reflects a broader strategy: employing rhetoric centred on preserving cultural values and identity to impede or reverse the march of modernity. Thus, the seemingly straightforward economic and nationalist agendas also serve as tools to resist societal advancements that do not align with their vision, showcasing a complex intertwining of economic, cultural, and political ideologies within these movements.
Methodology
The qualitative methodology utilised in this research aims to delve into Bolsonaro’s political communication by examining how his messages and narratives regarding globalisation and poverty were framed through two influential Brazilian mainstream media platforms: the O’Globo broadcasting network and Folha de São Paulo. The study incorporates primary data derived from these media sources, complemented by secondary data from various scholarly works to support and substantiate the analysis. This investigation specifically examines Bolsonaro’s messaging strategies from August to October 2018, with a focus on the electoral campaign period.
Primarily, the selection of these media platforms was critical as O’Globo was chosen for its expansive viewership and influence as Brazil’s primary television network, while Folha de São Paulo was for its pivotal role in shaping national news agendas (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). The exclusion of social media and digital platforms in this study is to focus solely on traditional media sources. Despite the rise of digital platforms, none wield the same impact and authority as established legacy media in Brazil (Pedrozo, 2013). For instance, in 2018, Folha de São Paulo had an average daily circulation of 294,811 copies, establishing itself as the largest newspaper in São Paulo state and holding considerable influence nationwide (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). This extensive reach ensures that their content permeates various regions, reaching audiences of varying socioeconomic backgrounds, educational levels, and geographical locations.
Furthermore, this emphasises the concentrated ownership and restricted variety prevalent in Brazil’s media structure, as indicated by scholars like Carolina Matos in Journalism and Political Democracy in Brazil (2008) (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). This concentration of media ownership suggests that a limited number of entities or individuals possess substantial control over various media outlets, potentially influencing the narratives and perspectives presented to the public. Also, the collected data provided an opportunity to delve into Bolsonaro’s approach to communicating a narrative of ‘change.’ This mainly involved a deliberate drift away from the established concepts of modernity and liberalism. Instead, he aligned his discourse on poverty with the broader theme of anti-globalisation (Lugo-Ocando, 2020).
Media Manipulation: Bolsonaro’s Populist Rise
The media’s treatment of poverty in Brazil and other Latin American nations during non-electoral periods requires attention. Various academic investigations reveal a concerning trend that poverty occupies a marginal position in the news agenda of mainstream media outlets. These studies collectively assert that poverty is relegated to the lower rungs of news priorities (Lugo-Ocando & Nguyen, 2017). It tends to surface primarily within international contexts or when interconnected with specific news events. During the examined period of this study, Folha de São Paulo had a monthly news output averaging over 4,000 articles, with less than 8 per cent of its coverage focusing on poverty. Historically aligned with liberal and progressive viewpoints, the newspaper published only around 316 articles about poverty (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). Similarly, O’Globo, which had a monthly output of approximately 3200 articles, allocated around 6 per cent of its coverage to poverty-related issues, resulting in roughly 192 news pieces addressing poverty. However, a mere fraction of these articles engaged with poverty within political debates among candidates. This discrepancy is noteworthy, especially given the newspaper’s past association with these ideological sectors. The lack of attention given to poverty in mainstream media settings, especially within political discourse, signals a systemic trend indicating closer scrutiny.
In extension, this disconnect between poverty-related coverage and its integration into political discussions puts forward a broader media landscape where socio-economic concerns, particularly those linked to poverty, are not accorded the significance warranted by their societal impact. The evidence highlights a striking disparity in media coverage between Fernando Haddad and Jair Bolsonaro. Data collected through primary research indicates that Bolsonaro received over 30 per cent of the total electoral campaign coverage, whereas Haddad’s coverage accounted for less than 17 per cent. For instance, Folha de São Paulo focused on Haddad in approximately 703 articles, whereas Bolsonaro attained centre stage in over 1,171 news pieces (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). Adopting a parallel approach, O’Globo’s news coverage featured approximately 328 references to Bolsonaro’s key speeches and public appearances, while Haddad’s speeches were highlighted in approximately 119 instances. This substantial variance in coverage implies a notable skew in attention and emphasis towards Bolsonaro within the media. Recent studies conducted by Tible (2018) further underline this asymmetry, suggesting a distinct bias in the framing of news stories (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). Bolsonaro, notably, received a more favourable portrayal following an unfortunate incident where an attacker stabbed him.
Conversely, Haddad faced consistent censure, primarily linked to his association with the defamed leaders of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). The systematic criticism directed at Haddad stemmed from the PT’s involvement in corruption scandals like Operação Lava Jato and allegations of receiving bribes from Odebrecht, a prominent Brazilian construction company (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). This negative association with the tainted image of PT leaders significantly impacted the media’s depiction of Haddad and influenced public perception of his candidacy.
Furthermore, the analysis, based on scrutinising primary data, puts forward a striking difference in the utilisation of the term ‘poverty’ between Bolsonaro and his supporters on one side and Haddad and his supporters on the other. Haddad and his allies, including Lula, prominently engaged with the term ‘poverty’ in their messages, focusing on its direct mention as part of their campaign dialogue. This emphasis sought to foreground poverty as a central concern, potentially signalling a more direct approach to addressing this socio-economic challenge. However, Bolsonaro’s rhetoric encompassed less emphasis on poverty (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). Instead, he consistently emphasised eradicating poverty by linking it to broader themes of national progress and industriousness. This approach aimed to convey that Brazil’s resurgence and poverty alleviation were contingent upon reclaiming sovereignty and guiding its future. For instance, Bolsonaro puts forward:
“The victory we are celebrating today is not the triumph of a political party but a ‘victory for freedom.’ The commitment we have made was to give a decent government to Brazilians. Committed only to Brazil and our people. I can guarantee that this is how it will be. Our government will consist of people with the same intentions as those listening to me right now. This will turn Brazil into a prosperous and free nation.” (Lugo-Ocando, 2020, p. 111)
This indicates that Bolsonaro’s discourse following his victory encapsulates a rhetoric reinforced by nationalist fervour and anti-globalisation sentiments, interweaving the notions of freedom, national commitment, and prosperity. In this case, the media’s depiction of Bolsonaro as an anti-globalisation candidate, as evidenced by both Folha de São Paulo and O’Globo, diverges significantly from conventional right-wing narratives (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). This characterisation contrasts previous right-wing figures, marking a pivotal departure from established political trends. Bolsonaro’s assertion of a victory for freedom aligns with the ideological stance of many right-leaning political figures, emphasising individual liberties and reduced government intervention. At first, Bolsonaro’s claim of ‘victory for freedom’ echoes sentiments commonly associated with anti-globalisation. This stance often advocates safeguarding national sovereignty against perceived encroachments by global entities. Connected to this idea is Bolsonaro’s pledge to provide a ‘decent government’ to Brazilians, indicating a commitment to addressing domestic concerns. This commitment likely encompasses several facets, including job creation and national development. The emphasis on a government formed by individuals with intentions aligned with the people’s aspirations implies a dedication to tackling issues that resonate with the populace.
Moreover, Bolsonaro’s claim of turning Brazil into a prosperous and free nation intersects with the notions of anti-environmentalism and pro-development. His interventions on O’Globo’s newscasts during the period under research indicate a consistent connection between opposition to globalisation and environmental policies (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). The pursuit of economic growth and development often clashes with environmental concerns, as seen in policies favouring resource extraction or land use that may conflict with conservation efforts. This emphasis on prosperity could potentially overlook environmental sustainability, posing challenges for conservation efforts and climate change mitigation in Brazil. However, a recent study conducted by Brazil’s leading polling institution, the Instituto Brasileiro de Opinião Pública e Estatística, and commissioned by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) – Brazil, highlights a shift among Brazilians who are progressively attributing greater responsibility for environmental protection to individuals rather than the government (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). The mention of job creation aligns with the broader goal of environment protectionism in an individual capacity, intensifying the agenda of national progress, which Bolsonaro fully capitalised on the opportunities addressed in his speeches. By advocating for the transition to renewable energy sources like solar and wind power, Bolsonaro not only addressed the need to reduce dependence on fossil fuels but also emphasised the potential for developing a green economy. This transition led to job creation across various verticals, including manufacturing, installation, and research, contributing to both economic growth and environmental sustainability (Viscidi & Graham, 2019). In Bolsonaro’s rhetoric, job creation within the environmental sector was framed as a means of bolstering the economy while simultaneously appealing to nationalist sentiments.
In a broader context, these discoveries necessitate examining the waning influence of the left-wing liberal paradigm in Brazil. Undeniably, the tenure of Lula’s and Dilma’s administrations, rooted in leftist ideologies, yielded substantial advancements that notably improved the lives of numerous individuals, marked by a considerable reduction in poverty levels (Lugo-Ocando, 2020). However, Bolsonaro’s achievement of gaining considerable support from some of the most impoverished sectors warrants deeper scrutiny, especially in confronting the challenges posed by the ascendance of populism. The remarkable transition in political dynamics, marked by Bolsonaro’s success in mobilising support from socio-economically disadvantaged segments, denotes a withdrawal from the traditional stronghold of leftist ideologies in these demographics. This transition signifies a seismic shift in political allegiances, highlighting a disconnect or disillusionment among these sectors with the previous left-wing administrations.
Furthermore, the findings of this research reveal a consistent strategic amalgamation in Bolsonaro’s 2018 campaign messaging, intertwining pledges to spearhead anti-globalisation initiatives and combat corruption with a multifaceted approach aimed at uplifting living standards and tackling poverty. This entailed a nuanced positioning to resonate with a diverse voter base disenchanted with prevailing globalisation trends and concerned about corruption within political structures. In addition, within this narrative, Bolsonaro’s platform conveyed a pronounced withdrawal from established policies related to free trade, environmentalism, and social and cultural liberalism. By proposing to curb free trade and challenge environmental policies, Bolsonaro resonated with constituents seeking protectionist measures and viewing globalisation as detrimental to national interests. Simultaneously, the rejection of aspects of social and cultural liberalism signalled a departure from traditional norms, aligning with segments of the electorate seeking a conservative shift in societal values. By framing these policy dynamics to improve citizens’ economic conditions, Bolsonaro sought to appeal to voters disillusioned with the status quo and seeking tangible socioeconomic improvements. This alignment between anti-globalisation, anti-corruption, and socioeconomic welfare provided a comprehensive framework that resonated with diverse voter segments, contributing significantly to Bolsonaro’s electoral success.
Conclusion
Despite globalisation being predominantly viewed as an economic phenomenon, it is often portrayed in political discussions and public perception as an individual and cultural phenomenon, as observed in the Brazilian context. Bolsonaro and the political right in Brazil skillfully leverage this multifaceted perception of globalisation in their discourse, employing populist rhetoric that pledges a revival of more prosperous eras while casting off elements of modernity. Modernity, characterised by rapid technological advancements, cultural shifts, and progressive social policies (Giddens, 1991), is often portrayed as a threat to traditional values and economic stability. Bolsonaro’s utilisation of media platforms facilitated the articulation of narratives opposing globalisation, which aligned with sentiments disapproving of modernity. This approach allowed him to position himself as an advocate against the adverse effects of modernity, resonating with segments of the population disenchanted with contemporary changes and fostering a sense of disillusionment with global forces among the electorate. This highlights how anti-globalisation discourse strategically capitalises on addressing the pervasive sense of uncertainty prevalent within discussions on risk, particularly evident in the interplay between poverty and references to uncertainty. By linking poverty to feelings of uncertainty, his narrative implied that globalisation and its associated modernity perpetuated socio-economic unpredictability. This association served a twofold purpose: it framed globalisation as the underlying cause of societal challenges, and positioned anti-globalisation as the solution to mitigate this uncertainty.
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The author, Harsh Kumar Jha, is a student at Ashoka University.
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