The Crooked Timber of New India: Essays on a Republic in Crisis

Book: The Crooked Timber of New India: Essays on a Republic in Crisis

Author: Parakala Prabhakar

Publisher: Speaking Tiger Books

ISBN-13: 978-9354474422

Year of Publication: 2023

Pages: 256

Price:  INR 499 

‘Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.’

—John Emerich Edward Dalberg-Acton, 1887

A party and a leader take the country by storm by attaining three consecutive terms of electoral victory. A feat which last happened over half a century ago. Is it political excellence or ideological manipulation?  

Parakala Prabhakar’s book, The Crooked Timber of New India: Essays on a Republic in Crisis, casts an antagonistic light in regard to his understanding of the functioning of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). He attempts to provide an all-encompassing view of the party, its philosophy, policies, and functionaries. It is unapologetically straightforward in the jabs it takes on not just the BJP, but the entirety of those who are a part of the Sangh Parivar. The book attains its credibility from the fact that Mr Prabhakar roots every claim and argumentation of his in statistical data and legal frameworks ranging from multiple international and government reports on India to performing surveys and drawing an analysis. Since he is an economist, a public policy professional, a public opinion pollster, as well as a political activist and analyst, one can trust his research to be legitimate. His book is subversive in a sea of literature and media that chooses to side with the ruling party in what seems like a Faustian bargain. 

The book is appropriately comprehensive in terms of the chapters it comprises and is not too wordy. It supplements each chapter with the right amount of information to convey and convince. 

In the book, he is referred to as a ‘renaissance man’ and is writing with the purpose of being amongst the torchbearers of constitutional values. He points out the problems in governance across several spheres—the economic scams, divisive politics, territorial integrity being compromised, et cetera. The overarching theme posits that the BJP is not just a party but an ideological movement that feeds on manifestations of majoritarianism (Prabhakar, 2023, p.35). One can refer to it as the nation undergoing the process of turning into an Orwellian autocracy. The mechanisms of control operate slowly yet decisively, luring us, often unknowingly, into a framework of authoritarianism masked by the façade of democratic legitimacy. We come across an in-depth analysis on how the parent body of the BJP, that is, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has diligently and consistently worked hard to help the BJP reach where it stands today. 

Amrit Kaal or Aftershock? 

The chapters delve into the promise-performance gap, communalism centred around ethnocentrism, and the disillusioned focus on development, where it prods at the promised Achhe Din (good days) and Amrit Kaal (the ambrosial age). He writes that the multiple detrimental reforms like demonetisation, farm laws, and electoral bonds reflect otherwise. India has had an extremely slow growth rate; its population has further dipped below the poverty line (Prabhakar,  2023,  p.14). However, what the government seems to be concerned with is the widening gap based on religion, between ‘us’ and ‘them’. The ruling party is nothing short of being marauders, psychologically raiding our lucidity and replacing it with their religious ideology in the most cunning manner. If one looks closely, through the author’s understanding, a commonality between those who govern us now and those who did nearly a century ago can be derived. Both deployed the principle of ‘divide and rule’. The government is feeding the cracks to divide, fuelling communalism and aggression rather than fostering ‘unity in diversity’. What they are practising is simply the colonisation of the mindset. 

The reason stated by the author for the BJP’s undefeated spirit is its ubiquity. The coming of the digital age further deepens the clutches that it has over us. The author charges the media, the Election Commission of India (ECI), businesses, journalists, executives, and even the judiciary with being rigged. The party glorifies and eventifies everything that is done by the prime minister and its functionaries. The government attempts to blanket its failures by forging grandeur. The current government, according to the author, is the personification of the saying:  ‘empty vessels make the most noise’. They are great at pretense and creating an illusion rather than doing the actual job. They inundate us with propaganda and foster subservience (Prabhakar, 2023, pp. 185-189). 

For instance, in cases of private data breaches by technology giants, authorities appear to be vocally concerned about safeguarding citizens' rights, yet their responses often lack substantive action or meaningful reform. One can observe this hypocrisy of the authorities, with them exhibiting no hurry to bring about the Personal Data Protection Bill, which is still languishing in the standing committee, and instead they chose to push forth the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, a bill, which gives them power and access to take down whatever according to them is ‘objectionable’. A citizen’s rights protection bill like the former has been sitting waiting since 2018, whereas an exercise of control like the latter gets through faster and is applied even after being proposed as late as 2021.

The author portrays the BJP exercising power through different means. The manner in which the ruling party governs can be understood with the help of Steven Lukes’ (1974) three dimensions of power: decision-making power, non-decision-making power, and ideological power. These dimensions represent increasing levels of influence, with the third, ideological power, being the most subtle and far-reaching. Power is not always visible. It can be exercised through the subtle shaping of values, beliefs, and even desires, leading to a situation where people may not even realise that they are being subjected to power.  

The Turning Points  

Two chapters which stood out were  ‘Abnormalise and Eventify’ and ‘Hijab versus Saffron Scarf ’. While the former-mentioned chapter acts as an extension to reflect that the author pays attention to detail before deriving a hypothesis, in addition, he supplements it with rigorous factual research to put forth a theory on how the ruling party boasts of even the smallest acts. Hence, the chapter may act as an ‘eye-opener’ to many. It delves specifically into the arena of the ruling party, attempting to glorify everything that is done by their ‘supreme leader’ and party. He also quotes instances where one can find the party working extremely hard to forge events which will make sure to keep them in the limelight and in our subconscious such as Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s life being projected as exceptional through the NaMo branding, Bal Narendra’s stories of valour, et cetera, where a lifestyle of idol worship is sold to all those rationally weak enough to buy it. Data is manipulated, events aligned, and public engagement assessed to come up with pomp and show, portraying even the minimum in great splendour.  

Nevertheless, one topic that felt excessively stretched was that of Coronavirus Disease of  2019 (COVID-19). There were a total of three chapters that talked about it, making the topic too lengthy and monotonous. In addition, he compares India's failure in dealing with COVID-19 to China's efficiency in the management of the same. The comparison seems unjust as China’s authoritarian model enables faster implementation. China had the infrastructure to mass-produce and export vaccines. India had to ramp up. China's health system is better integrated. India’s system is decentralised and varies from state to state. While China and India are the world’s most populous nations,  they differ fundamentally in their political systems, economic strength, and manufacturing capabilities  (Bertolucci, 2018). 

The second chapter, ‘Hijab versus Saffron Scarf’, is one where he is found advocating for the education of Muslim girls. He states that wearing hijab should be allowed if it enables greater education. Here, the author seemed biassed and could not produce a strong argument. 

Sikhs benefit from explicit recognition under Article 25(2)(a), which protects religious symbols like the kirpan, as seen in specific legal exemptions. However, the hijab was not granted such constitutional carve-outs. The absence of special mention suggests that, at the time of framing, the constitution’s drafters, including stalwarts like Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Syed Muhammad Saadulla, and Tajamul Husain (Paikray, 2007) did not consider the hijab an  ‘essential and mandatory religious practice’ deserving of explicit protection (as they did for Sikh symbols) (Hussain, 2025). Indeed, courts have applied the Essential Religious Practices (ERP) Test to assess whether certain practices require constitutional safeguard like in Fathema Hussain  Sayed v. Bharat Education Society (Bombay High Court, 2002), Fathima Thasneem v. State of Kerala (Kerala High Court, 2018), and recently in Karnataka High Court’s 2022 ruling that the hijab is not essential to Islam, and without this essentiality, the hijab does not receive automatic constitutional protection the way the kirpan does. The author selectively cited only the judgment that aligned with his argument, while disregarding several other rulings that contradicted it. Secondly, in services like those of police, military, and civil services, the female officers do not wear hijabs and have never protested to wear them, as they acknowledge and respect the uniformity and discipline. The uniformity of dress codes in the military and police is maintained through rules like the Indian Police Service (Uniform) Rules, 1954, which emphasise equality and professionalism and restrict additional religious apparel, such as a hijab. While India's Constitution guarantees freedom of religion, this right is subject to reasonable restrictions, including those necessary for institutional discipline, public order, and the maintenance of a standardised dress code within the forces. Thirdly, the author refuses to delve into several important questions, like unearthing whether the hijab is necessary, which makes his solution debatable. 

Hence, it is hard to say that the author has been objective in his view. He openly opposes the ruling party’s majoritarian ideology in his quest to uphold constitutional values. However, we find no mention of him opposing minority appeasement performed by other parties (Sikdar, 2023). One can agree that the minority should be uplifted and not alienated, but assisting them with the aim of turning them into a vote bank is wrong. The book is narrow in outlook in the sense that it chooses to perceive the government as being anti-minority, but manages to give examples of exclusion that are central only to the Muslims. Discrimination against no other religious minority has been mentioned, making the book seem more of a pro-Muslim than a pro-minority rights restoration attempt. The author runs along the lines of his own bias, and hence, there seems to be a decisive exclusion of mention of the other minorities. 

Conclusion 

The book manages to successfully cover a wide span of topics—a competitive analysis of various tenures of the BJP in the office, population politics, privacy breaches, censorship, quality of education, ill-planned economic reforms, et cetera. His writing is polemical and, at certain junctures, slightly partisan too. His arguments are coherent and logically developed, though he willingly opts out of addressing any opposing views. 

The book contributes well to the current political debate, especially bringing to light the government’s fiascos. While it builds on already known ideas, it also offers new insights into attaining a greater understanding of the same. The book serves as an insightful source to widen our horizon, and encourages us to see what we are otherwise made blind to. It is about cultivating in the readers a habit of rational thinking and critical engagement with the information presented to them.

References

Bertolucci, S. (2018, April 30). India and China: Two very different paths to development.  Berkeley Economic Review. https://econreview.studentorg.berkeley.edu/india-and-china-two-very-different-paths-to-development/

Acton, J. E. E. D. (1907). The life and letters of Sir John Dalberg-Acton (G. W. E. Russell, Ed.). Macmillan.

Fathema Hussain Sayed v. Bharat Education Society, Writ Petition No. 1096 of 2002 (Bombay High Court, Aug. 12, 2002). https://indiankanoon.org/doc/129857/ 

Fathima Thasneem v. State of Kerala, WP(C) No. 19716 of 2018 (Kerala HC 2018). https://indiankanoon.org/doc/170572130/ 

Hussain, S. A. (2025, January 25). A legacy of inclusion: Muslim leaders in constitution drafting. New Age Islam. https://www.newageislam.com/islam-politics/syed-amjad-hussain-new-age-islam/a-legacy-inclusion-muslim-leaders-constitution-drafting/islam-politics/muslim-leaders-constitution-drafting/d/134434 

Lukes, S. (1974). Power: A radical view. Macmillan.

Paikray, B. (2007). First historical session of Indian Constituent Assembly. Orissa Review. https://magazines.odisha.gov.in/orissareview/jan-2007/engpdf/3-4.pdf

Prabhakar, P. (2023). The crooked timber of new India: Essays on a republic in crisis. Speaking Tiger Books.

Sikdar, S. (2023, September 5). Congress focuses on minority appeasement, Modi on welfare of tribals, Dalits and poor: Shah in M.P. The Hindu. https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/congress-focuses-on-minority-appeasement-modi-on-welfare-of-tribals-dalits-and-poor-shah-in-mp/article67273770.ece 

The author, Krrishna Rout, is a Junior Editor at Ramjas Political Review.

Featured image credit: The Statesman